And that makes for a meander ing, challenging, non-escapist viewing. Netanyahu's meander ing and uninspired drivel left many confused but I will attempt to summarize it.
Minarets of mosques stood up like giant lamp-posts along these vast, meander ing streets. This was but meander ing while waiting for ideas, and evoked another yell. Many a meander ing discourse one hears, in which the preacher aims at nothing, and—hits it.
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HOA dues Add. You could save by refinancing. Browse all rates. Market trends for Riverside County. Rental estimate based on recent rentals. Delaney as a means to implement non-partisan redistricting. When a single political party controls both legislative houses of a state during redistricting, both Democrats and Republicans have displayed a marked propensity for couching the process in secrecy; in May , for example, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session in Ohio where the theme was "Keep it Secret, Keep it Safe".
In response to these types of problems, redistricting transparency legislation has been introduced to US Congress a number of times in recent years, including the Redistricting Transparency Acts of , , and The merit of increasing transparency in redistricting processes is based largely on the premise that lawmakers would be less inclined to draw gerrymandered districts if they were forced to defend such districts in a public forum.
Because gerrymandering relies on the wasted-vote effect , the use of a different voting system with fewer wasted votes can help reduce gerrymandering. In particular, the use of multi-member districts alongside voting systems establishing proportional representation such as single transferable voting can reduce wasted votes and gerrymandering.
Semi-proportional voting systems such as single non-transferable vote or cumulative voting are relatively simple and similar to first past the post and can also reduce the proportion of wasted votes and thus potential gerrymandering.
Electoral reformers have advocated all three as replacement systems. Electoral systems with various forms of proportional representation are now found in nearly all European countries, resulting in multi-party systems with many parties represented in the parliaments with higher voter attendance in the elections,  fewer wasted votes, and a wider variety of political opinions represented.
Electoral systems with election of just one winner in each district i. In these, just two parties effectively compete in the national elections and thus the national political discussions are forced into a narrow two-party frame, where loyalty and forced statements inside the two parties distort the political debate. If a proportional or semi-proportional voting system is used then increasing the number of winners in any given district will reduce the number of wasted votes.
This can be accomplished both by merging separate districts together and by increasing the total size of the body to be elected. Since gerrymandering relies on exploiting the wasted vote effect, increasing the number of winners per district can reduce the potential for gerrymandering in proportional systems. Unless all districts are merged, however, this method cannot eliminate gerrymandering entirely.
In contrast to proportional methods, if a nonproportional voting system with multiple winners such as block voting is used, then increasing the size of the elected body while keeping the number of districts constant will not reduce the amount of wasted votes, leaving the potential for gerrymandering the same.
While merging districts together under such a system can reduce the potential for gerrymandering, doing so also amplifies the tendency of block voting to produce landslide victories , creating a similar effect to gerrymandering by concentrating wasted votes among the opposition and denying them representation.
If a system of single-winner elections is used, then increasing the size of the elected body will implicitly increase the number of districts to be created. This change can actually make gerrymandering easier when raising the number of single-winner elections, as opposition groups can be more efficiently packed into smaller districts without accidentally including supporters, further increasing the number of wasted votes amongst the opposition.
Another way to avoid gerrymandering is simply to stop redistricting altogether and use existing political boundaries such as state, county, or provincial lines.
While this prevents future gerrymandering, any existing advantage may become deeply ingrained. The United States Senate , for instance, has more competitive elections than the House of Representatives due to the use of existing state borders rather than gerrymandered districts—Senators are elected by their entire state, while Representatives are elected in legislatively drawn districts.
The use of fixed districts creates an additional problem, however, in that fixed districts do not take into account changes in population. Individual voters can come to have very different degrees of influence on the legislative process.
This malapportionment can greatly affect representation after long periods of time or large population movements. In the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution , several constituencies that had been fixed since they gained representation in the Parliament of England became so small that they could be won with only a handful of voters rotten boroughs.
Similarly, in the U. By less than a quarter of the state's population controlled the majority of seats in the legislature. Sims Supreme Court decision in , establishing a rule of one man, one vote , but the practice remains very much alive for the United States Senate since states now have vastly different populations. Another means to reduce gerrymandering is to create objective, precise criteria to which any district map must comply.
Courts in the United States, for instance, have ruled that congressional districts must be contiguous in order to be constitutional. Depending on the distribution of voters for a particular party, metrics that maximize compactness can be opposed to metrics that minimize the efficiency gap. For example, in the United States, voters registered with the Democratic Party tend to be concentrated in cities, potentially resulting in a large number of "wasted" votes if compact districts are drawn around city populations.
One method is to define a minimum district to convex polygon ratio [ definition needed ]. To use this method, every proposed district is circumscribed by the smallest possible convex polygon its convex hull ; think of stretching a rubberband around the outline of the district. Then, the area of the district is divided [ further explanation needed ] by the area of the polygon; or, if at the edge of the state, by the portion of the area of the polygon within state boundaries.
The advantages of this method are that it allows a certain amount of human intervention to take place thus solving the Colorado problem of splitline districting ; it allows the borders of the district to follow existing jagged subdivisions, such as neighbourhoods or voting districts something isoperimetric rules would discourage ; and it allows concave coastline districts, such as the Florida gulf coast area.
It would mostly eliminate bent districts, but still permit long, straight ones. However, since human intervention is still allowed, the gerrymandering issues of packing and cracking would still occur, just to a lesser extent. The Center for Range Voting has proposed  a way to draw districts by a simple algorithm. The algorithm slightly simplified is:. This district-drawing algorithm has the advantages of simplicity, ultra-low cost, a single possible result thus no possibility of human interference , lack of intentional bias, and it produces simple boundaries that do not meander needlessly.
It has the disadvantage of ignoring geographic features such as rivers, cliffs, and highways and cultural features such as tribal boundaries. This landscape oversight causes it to produce districts different from those a human would produce. Ignoring geographic features can induce very simple boundaries. While most districts produced by the method will be fairly compact and either roughly rectangular or triangular, some of the resulting districts can still be long and narrow strips or triangles of land.
Like most automatic redistricting rules, the shortest splitline algorithm will fail to create majority-minority districts, for both ethnic and political minorities, if the minority populations are not very compact. This might reduce minority representation. Another criticism of the system is that splitline districts sometimes divide and diffuse the voters in a large metropolitan area.
This condition is most likely to occur when one of the first splitlines cuts through the metropolitan area. It is often considered a drawback of the system because residents of the same agglomeration are assumed to be a community of common interest. This is most evident in the splitline allocation of Colorado. As of July , shortest-splitline redistricting pictures, based on the results of the census, are available for all 50 states.
It is possible to define a specific minimum isoperimetric quotient ,  proportional to the ratio between the area and the square of the perimeter of any given congressional voting district.
Although technologies presently exist to define districts in this manner, there are no rules in place mandating their use, and no national movement to implement such a policy. One problem with the simplest version of this rule is that it would prevent incorporation of jagged natural boundaries, such as rivers or mountains; when such boundaries are required, such as at the edge of a state, certain districts may not be able to meet the required minima.
One way of avoiding this problem is to allow districts which share a border with a state border to replace that border with a polygon or semi-circle enclosing the state boundary as a kind of virtual boundary definition, but using the actual perimeter of the district whenever this occurs inside the state boundaries.
Enforcing a minimum isoperimetric quotient would encourage districts with a high ratio between area and perimeter. The efficiency gap is a simply-calculable measure that can show the effects of gerrymandering. The difference in these wasted votes are divided by total votes cast, and the resulting percentage is the efficiency gap. In , Boris Alexeev and Dustin Mixon proved that "sometimes, a small efficiency gap is only possible with bizarrely shaped districts". This means that it is mathematically impossible to always devise boundaries which would simultaneously meet certain Polsby—Popper and efficiency gap targets.
The introduction of modern computers alongside the development of elaborate voter databases and special districting software has made gerrymandering a far more precise science.
Using such databases, political parties can obtain detailed information about every household including political party registration, previous campaign donations, and the number of times residents voted in previous elections and combine it with other predictors of voting behavior such as age, income, race, or education level. With this data, gerrymandering politicians can predict the voting behavior of each potential district with an astonishing degree of precision, leaving little chance for creating an accidentally competitive district.
On the other hand, the introduction of modern computers would let the United States Census Bureau to calculate more equal populations in every voting district that are based only on districts being the most compact and equal populations. This could be done easily using their Block Centers based on the Global Positioning System rather than street addresses.
With this data, gerrymandering politicians will not be in charge, thus allowing competitive districts again. Online web apps such as Dave's Redistricting have allowed users to simulate redistricting states into legislative districts as they wish.
Markov chain Monte Carlo MCMC can measure the extent to which redistricting plans favor a particular party or group in election, and can support automated redistricting simulators. Gerrymandering is most likely to emerge, in majoritarian systems, where the country is divided into several voting districts and the candidate with the most votes wins the district.
If the ruling party is in charge of drawing the district lines, it can abuse the fact that in a majoritarian system all votes that do not go to the winning candidate are essentially irrelevant to the composition of a new government.
Even though gerrymandering can be used in other voting systems, it has the most significant impact on voting outcomes in first-past-the-post systems. In general, two party systems tend to be more polarized than proportional systems. However, not every state using a first-past-the-post system is being confronted with the negative impacts of gerrymandering. Some countries, such as Australia, Canada and the UK, authorize non-partisan organizations to set constituency boundaries in attempt to prevent gerrymandering.
The introduction of a proportional system is often proposed as the most effective solution to partisan gerrymandering. Even though, voting districts can be part of a proportional system, the redrawing of district lines would not benefit a party, as those districts are mainly of organizational value. In mixed systems that use proportional and majoritarian voting principles, the usage of gerrymandering is a constitutional obstacle that states have to deal with.
However, in mixed systems the advantage a political actor can potentially gain from redrawing district lines is much less than in majoritarian systems. In mixed systems voting districts are mostly being used to avoid that elected parliamentarians are getting too detached from their constituency. The principle which determines the representation in parliament is usually the proportional aspect of the voting system.
Seats in parliament are being allocated to each party in accordance to the proportion of their overall votes. In most, democracies with a mixed system, non-partisan institutions are in charge of drawing district lines and therefore Gerrymandering is a less common phenomenon. Gerrymandering should not be confused with malapportionment , whereby the number of eligible voters per elected representative can vary widely without relation to how the boundaries are drawn.
Nevertheless, the -mander suffix has been applied to particular malapportionments. Sometimes political representatives use both gerrymandering and malapportionment to try to maintain power. Several western democracies, notably the Netherlands , Slovakia and Slovenia employ an electoral system with only one nationwide voting district for election of national representatives.
This virtually precludes gerrymandering. The number of representatives for each district can change after a census due to population shifts, but their boundaries do not change. This also effectively eliminates gerrymandering.
Additionally, many countries where the president is directly elected by the citizens e. France , Poland , among others use only one electoral district for presidential election, despite using multiple districts to elect representatives. The Bahamian general election was likely influenced by gerrymandering.
Gerrymandering has not typically been considered a problem in the Australian electoral system largely because drawing of electoral boundaries has typically been done by non-partisan electoral commissions. There have been historical cases of malapportionment , whereby the distribution of electors to electorates was not in proportion to the population in several states.
For example, Sir Thomas Playford was Premier of South Australia from to as a result of a system of malapportionment, which became known as the Playmander , despite it not strictly speaking involving a gerrymander. In Queensland , malapportionment combined with a gerrymander under Premier Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen became nicknamed the Bjelkemander in the s and s.
In the election , for example, the National Party received Early in Canadian history, both the federal and provincial levels used gerrymandering to try to maximize partisan power. When Alberta and Saskatchewan were admitted to Confederation in , their original district boundaries were set forth in the respective Alberta and Saskatchewan Acts. Federal Liberal cabinet members devised the boundaries to ensure the election of provincial Liberal governments.
Since responsibility for drawing federal and provincial electoral boundaries was handed over to independent agencies, the problem has largely been eliminated at those levels of government. Manitoba was the first province to authorize a non-partisan group to define constituency boundaries in the s.
In , the federal government delegated the drawing of boundaries for federal electoral districts to the non-partisan agency Elections Canada which answers to Parliament rather than the government of the day. As a result, gerrymandering is not generally a major issue in Canada except at the civic level.
That is much more likely if the city is not homogenous and different neighborhoods have sharply different opinions about city policy direction. In , a controversy arose in Prince Edward Island over the provincial government's decision to throw out an electoral map drawn by an independent commission.
Instead, they created two new maps. The government adopted the second of them, which was designed by the caucus of the governing party. Opposition parties and the media attacked Premier Pat Binns for what they saw as gerrymandering of districts. Among other things, the government adopted a map that ensured that every current Member of the Legislative Assembly from the premier's party had a district to run in for re-election, but in the original map, several had been redistricted.
The military government which ruled Chile from to was ousted in a national plebiscite in October Opponents of General Augusto Pinochet voted NO to remove him from power and to trigger democratic elections, while supporters mostly from the right-wing voted YES to keep him in office for another eight years. Five months prior to the plebiscite, the regime published a law regulating future elections and referendums, but the configuration of electoral districts and the manner in which Congress seats would be awarded were only added to the law seven months after the referendum.
For the Chamber of Deputies lower house , 60 districts were drawn by grouping mostly neighboring communes the smallest administrative subdivision in the country within the same region the largest.
It was established that two deputies would be elected per district, with the most voted coalition needing to outpoll its closest rival by a margin of more than 2-to-1 to take both seats. The results of the plebiscite show that neither the "NO" side nor the "YES" side outpolled the other by said margin in any of the newly established districts. Senate constituencies were created by grouping all lower-chamber districts in a region, or by dividing a region into two constituencies of contiguous lower-chamber districts.
The Constitution allocated a number of seats to appointed senators, making it harder for one side to change the Constitution by itself. The unelected senators were eliminated in the constitutional reforms, but the electoral map has remained largely untouched two new regions were created in , one of which altered the composition of two senatorial constituencies; the first election to be affected by this minor change took place in France is one of the few countries to let legislatures redraw the map with no check.
Districts called arrondissements were used in the Third Republic and under the Fifth Republic they are called circonscriptions. During the Third Republic, some reforms of arrondissements, which were also used for administrative purposes, were largely suspected to have been arranged to favor the kingmaker in the Assembly, the Parti radical. A meandering channel commonly is about one and one-half times as long as the valley, and it exhibits pools in the meander bends and riffles shallower zones with more turbulent water flow in the reaches between the meanders.
The length of a meander generally ranges from seven to ten times the channel width. The uneven resistance to erosion of nonhomogenous material causes irregularities in a meandering stream, such as the stacking of meanders upstream of an obstruction. This commonly causes a meander to constrict and form a gooseneck, an extremely bowed meander. A cutoff may form through the gooseneck and allow the former meander bend to be sealed off as an oxbow lake.
Silt deposits will eventually fill the lake to form a marsh or meander scar. Subjected to rapid uplift, a meandering stream may cut into bedrock surfaces to produce entrenched or incised meanders. The rock walls thus formed are commonly quite steep and sometimes are symmetrical on both sides of the meander beds.
The index is a measure also of stream velocity and sediment Meandering, those quantities being maximized Meandering an index of 1 straight. While merging districts together under such a system can reduce the potential for gerrymandering, doing so also amplifies the tendency of block voting to produce landslide victoriesMeandering, creating a similar effect to gerrymandering by concentrating wasted votes among the opposition and Meandering them Meandering. Namespaces Article Talk. See also: Compactness measure of a shape and Polsby—Popper test. The New York Times. Property Type Single Family Residence. This allows Congress to create Meandering districts once a place reachesMeandering, the minimum required for its creation. When a single political party controls both legislative houses of a state during redistricting, both Democrats and Republicans have displayed Meandering marked propensity for couching the process in secrecy; Meandering Mayfor example, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session in Ohio where the theme was Meandering it Secret, Keep it Safe". In small districts the winning party would take all seats, in intermediate size, it would take most and there was proportional representation in the largest districts.
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